CONTEMPORARY REFLECTION ON GLOBAL OPPRESSED COMMUNITIES: A MULTI-FAITH APPROACH
by Dr. K. Rajaratnam

The Theme Address presented on February 24, 2003
(Consultation on Contemporary Reflection on Global Oppressed Communities: A Multi-Faith Approach,
during February 23-26, 2003, at the Ziegenbalg Auditorium, Gurukul campus, Chennai)

The United Evangelical Lutheran Church in India (UELCI) took the initiative, in launching the Debate in early 2002 on 'Dalit Liberation: the new agenda for the Church in India'. A paper so entitled reached the assemblies and synods of the Churches and leaders and thinkers on issues concerning the Church - all over the world. The National Council of Churches in India promptly took up the issue and placed the issue before a national consultation consisting of Bishops, Church leaders, Christian Dalit activists, NGO leaders - representing a cross section of concerned activists and declared that a paradigm shift towards accepting Dalit liberation per se as the millennium agenda of the Church in India, is the need of the hour. And also issued a call to the Church in India as a whole - to the non-Dalit Church as well, to join the struggle for liberation of Dalits from their age old oppression making a clean distinction from its centuries old missiological stance and placing before the Church in India Dalit liberation per se, the mission objective of the Church for the new millennium.

While discussing ways of placing this new paradigm shift, before the ecumenical Church in India for its consideration, it was realised that there are two distinct dimensions to the phenomenon of oppression of certain communities - (1) the oppresion is global; therefore the global phenomenon must be discussed. (2) It is not only that Christianity must be challenged but all major global religions must also be challenged so that if religion is the source and sustainer of oppression, we must face it and challenge Religion to be a factor for social change and transformation. Therefore a multi-faith discussion on the subject was planned. All these major religions, Hinduism, Islam, Buddhism, Sikhism and Christianity are active faiths in India. It is worthwhile for all of us gathered here to be enlightened about the respective roles and positions of each religion for our edification.

The theme address will discuss the Christian perspective as a case in point, as much discussion has already taken place over last one year and Christian Church has been an active force in society since its inception in India - especially the Roman Catholic and Protestant Church - and hopefully will continue to be.

An influential ecumenical conference is planned particularly to consider a paradigm shift in the goals of Mission towards Dalit liberation - Dalits as a whole and not confined to Christian Dalits. The thinking and praxis in the realm of mission needs to be clarified for adopting a new shift in focus of mission which represents a sea change in Church's world view of her own task in the society. Bishops and Theologians of the Church all over the world, in centuries past have dared to interpret the Biblical Scriptures in terms of liberation from oppression. The impact of liberation and definition of oppression - whether acts of liberation can be defined as spiritual or material, whether oppression is sin for which forgiveness must be sought and the victims of oppression saved both in spiritual and material terms, should be a matter of great interest but the fact that millions of victims of oppression for ages with no hope of retrieve, is historical and fundamental ground reality that should be faced and liberation of these millions from their oppression should be a task of the church that preaches liberation.

Indeed the Church has undertaken this task of liberation in many ways. In India the Church launched this task of liberation to start with. The credit of loosening the cruel grip of untouchability in the society - goes to the Church. The Church's example had inspired many non-Christian savants like Mahatma Phule and many other social Reformers of modern era. That caste system and untouchability are evil and must be abolished were accepted themes of Reformers, Poets and legislators. A veritable social reformation had been set in motion; thanks to Christianity's courage in facing the reactionaries opposed to change in status quo of India's social system.

Church's social revolution froze - at the point of untouchability. The casteism - and all its evil consequences - for the Dalits - remained essentially unchallenged by the Church. Missiological objectives became restricted to baptism and Dalits who entered the Church were also not freed from caste both in the Church and in the society. The Church operated within the framework of caste and in the society - they continued to be part of the untouchable sections of the society, subjected to all social constrains. Of course, because of their conversion, they were denied the social educational and economic privileges enjoyed by the non-converted Dalits. The converted Dalits lost both ways. Church therefore focussed on the liberation of Christian Dalits from this double edged injustice. It was a clear blow to the Dalits who embraced Christianity and hence the Church spent all the post-independent years on fighting the government against this discrimination.

The Church never looked beyond this obviously gross discrimination against Christianity. The time now has come to look beyond what affects the Church. The time has come for the Church to continue the social revolution from where it had left - the point of untouchability to the liberation of the Dalit (not necessarily Christian Dalits) from the oppression of the ages. The Dalit liberation per se should be the mission concern of the Church - the focus of Church's concern should be the liberation of millions from the unparalleled oppression. It is unbelievable that in this day and age, after 50 years of operation of the liberal and secular Indian Constitution, with wide spread acceptance of United Nations human rights charter, under the probing eyes of Amnesty international, under rule of law as the basic foundation of Indian democracy under such circumstances, India experiences strong signs of nearly 200 million Dalits being forcibly brought back under the spell of the regime of untouchability and social oppression. The inhumanity of the Dalit situation is sought to be legitimised in spite of legal and constitutional provision against such moves.

The liberation from oppression of a large bulk of the Indian society - is the subject of our discussion. This is the new challenge, new concern, the new focus of the Church that is projected in this paper - at this Conference - a paradigm shift in Church's concern - a paradigm shift in the focus of Mission if you will. The need for such a focus on the liberation of the dalit - is the need of the hour today in our country taking into account the counter revolutionary forces - that are asserting themselves and gaining social and political ground to turn the clock of social change back on the Dalits. It is under these circumstances the Church must change its gear to take on Dalit liberation per se as its agenda.

Let us take a look at the situation of Dalits in India under the Indian Constitution. The founding fathers of the Indian Republic and the members of the Constituent Assembly that worked out the Indian Constitution, under the inspiration of Mahatma Gandhi and under the active leadership of Jawaharlal Nehru and under the expert legal leadership of the famous Advocate of Dalit Rights Dr. Ambedkar, a dalit himself, a liberal and secular Constitution that governs India was promulgated since 1950. The Constitution is a progressive deal for the Dalits as well as all other classes of citizens. In making this deal with the marginalised, the Constitution makers of the time were deeply genuine in their commitment to usher in an egalitarian society in India.

The basic foundation was the rule of law as the framework of Indian democracy, which at one blow struck down social and religious vested interests and inequalities vested in tradition. The Constitution also made untouchability a legally punishable offence. Indeed in this very city, after the promulgation of this law, in my student days, an influent orthodox hotelier was arrested for practising discrimination and untouchability, that caused quite a sensation at the time. At that time both the law makers and the Executive were committed to Social Reform - at any rate to prevent practice of serious social discrimination.

The Dalits, under the new Constitution were provided many privileges to enable them to catch up with the advanced sections of the society, keeping in mind that for ages they were denied all human rights, privileges and opportunities to live in society as equal members. They still have the privilege of what is know as 'Reservation' in order that they be enabled to compete with the more advanced in the society. The meaningful reservation is in securing government jobs - in recruitment to civil services of all levels - a certain percentage quota reserved for them according to their population percentage.

Even some concessions in age and other qualifications are extended to them. They are extended extensive educational concessions - almost free education in all areas and levels of education. At the level of life, housing colonies are developed for their habitation, to transfer them from their small hutment of mud and thatch, to brick and modern houses. Social and Economic development of these under privileged communities has been aided by several special aid programmes to enable them to eke out a living in the new emerging society and not dependent on the traditional agricultural labour tied to the landlords in the villages.

Above all, the most significant of privileges extended by the Constitution is the political reservation. Both in the State legislature and national Parliament, the Dalits have reserved Constituencies where the election is fought only among the Dalit candidates. Their representation in the law making bodies - both at the federal and state level is thus guaranteed. At least a hundred members of the Parliament are elected under this reservation from the Dalit community - a fifth of the total members of the national Parliament. In these days especially of too many split political parties, the solidarity of 1/5 of the members of the Parliament will give Dalits enormous political leverage and including staking a claim for Prime Ministership.

Consequently the Dalits are now found in teaching positions, professors and principals, civil servants, doctors, engineers, administrators and members of the Parliament, State legislators, ministers in State and National cabinets, from time to time, even as Chief Ministers and indeed the President of the Republic. A new elite section has emerged out of the Dalit community, thanks to the privileges accorded to them by way of constitutional reservation and other privileges. The Supreme Court calls this privileged section of the Dalit community in India, the creamy layer. While this paper initially analyses the condition of the Dalit community, I am keen that we remember that the new Constitution of the Indian Republic, laid the foundation for a social reform as related especially to the Dalits and also many other backward classes and the reform has been in steady progress.

Ground Reality of the Dalits

But one should remember two important factors that govern the practical life situation of the Dalits. The first is that they are in villages - remote villages - stuck in the traditional mould of the age-old village structure of agricultural society and economy. To extricate from the firm and sometimes cruel grip of village custom and tradition, requires extraordinary grit and enterprise - not normally found amongst the village Dalits. It is always an external agency, committed to reform, that can provide the rescue routes.

Secondly, the size of the Dalits in India is inconceivably large. On the basis of the existing population of one billion, the size of the Dalit population is 170 million in India. Add another 7% of the Schedule Tribes, the total under privileged classes goes up to 250 million. The largeness of Dalit population alone can be visualised clearly when one realises, that Dalits are about 3 times the poulation of UK; 2 times the poulation of Germany; 22 millions more than the population of Russia; 2/3 the population of USA.

If you take the Dalits in the States ranging from 15% to 25% of the State population, the Dalit population in each State is more than that of many individual countries in Europe, Africa, North America and South America. They are countries by themselves. As a measure of protection and effective implementation of all the privileges, special Courts have been constituted to try cases of atrocities against Dalits. Also a special statutory Commission of the Parliament, known as Commission for Scheduled Castes and Tribes is in operation to monitor and promote the privileges extended to the Dalits. Measures of Social Reform both qualitative and quantitative, intended to reach the vast Dalit communities spread over the length and breadth of our vast country, indeed are too insignificant to make any impact on traditional social exploitation of this community.

And therefore what happens:

Justice Ponniah, who was appointed by the Government of Andhra Pradesh as one-man Commission to enquire into the status of 'untouchability' in the State, toured all the districts of the State and came to an unmistakable conclusion that untouchability of the Dalit is practised in all the districts of Andhra Pradesh, even fifty years of the promulgation of the new Constitution making untouchability a cognisable offence under the Constitutional law.

In Tamil Nadu, again reflecting untouchability, the news of ghastly incidents in relation to violating the two tumbler norm- one for Dalits and other for caste people, are quite prominent every day. Even at village schools, cruel treatment is meted out to Dalit children, who innocently use the tumbler meant for upper class children to quench their thirst.

One good thing is, the media - only the print media - exposes and challenges such practices. Basic attitude, that the Dalits are untouchables - that they are socially outcastes, they must conform to traditional discriminating practices in daily life in their villages continues unchanged. Segregated culture and life, segregated as low and untouchable class of the people, in daily life especially in the more than 500 thousands of villages continues unabated though challenged by Dalits who pay heavy price for their liberty and equality in terms of death and destruction of their lives and whatever properties they possess.

Indeed as mentioned earlier, there are many dalits, who are educated, employed in high positions, and have the capacity to improve their quality of life. They dress better clothes like other upper classes but traditionally they are not supposed to do so. This becomes a cause for a grievance nursed mentally by the upper class. They can build a better house - with brick, mortar, cement and tiles and no more the hut of mud and thatch - this also is noted with prejudice and eyebrows are raised. Some important people of the upper class immediately destroy the house! Some Dalit youths can afford a scooter and pass through the villages on a scooter - but traditionally they are supposed to walk barefoot. Some upper class villages stop the scooterist, order him to get off the vehicle, remove his footwear, carry his footwear and push the vehicle to his hamlet. Even modern Technology cannot overcome traditional oppressive practices!

A dalit's public celebration of a community or family success, or social ceremony like marriage, like in the upper class village, decoration with electric coloured bulbs, festoons, loud music, a community dinner - is frowned upon because it is claiming equality with the upper caste. Such celebrations are brought to an abrupt end through arson and violence. Sometimes a whole village is subjected to their anger at the temerity of Dalit people attempting to improve their life style - even sitting in an upper class seat in a cinema theatre.

There are many cases where villages are burnt down for these silly reasons. For us the reason for their outburst may be silly - but for those who indulge in such outburst, they are fundamental: the dalit must be a dalit no more and no less. Rule of law or no rule of law, constitutional law or no constitutional law. Dalits dare not change their condemned status of life. A slave is a slave. There will be no emancipation even in the 21st century. A new fundamentalism has emerged which demands the tradition should be perpetuated. History of exploitation in the entire world tells us clearly - no privileged class gives up privilege. What then is the fate of Dalits of our country?

There is a great tradition of Social Reform in the modern era both in the North, South, West and East of our country. In fact Gautama Buddha was the first Social Reformer - many had followed him. Superficial changes have taken place as a result - constitutional changes have also aided social change - but the fundamental change in attitudes and traditional practices have remained unchanged. Ambedkar has campaigned all his life, wrote brilliant books and treatises - and gave India a very enlightened and progressive constitution - a secular society based on the rule of law, all equal before law - but large section of the society, the Dalits are unequal.

The Role of the Church

It should never be forgotten that it was Christianity, that was the dynamite that burst the rigidity of untouchability. The early missionaries when they started schools were challenged by upper classes not to admit untouchables to the schools. The Missionaries stood firm and allowed Dalit children to the schools and that was the beginning of human touch at least in the school community. Then the hospitals where most of the nurses were Christian Dalits and upper class patients accepted their services. Thus it was Christianity that represented the first break through, as far as untouchability is concerned. Unfortunately Indian Christianity's social revolution froze at that point.

During the foreign missionary regime, the Gospel was preached widely. Evangelism was the central aim of all ministries, education, healing and social welfare. Conversion through Baptism was the sole aim and function of the Church. This objective was accepted by the whole Church as a sole commitment of Christian faith and praxis. Gospel campaigns outside the Church were aimed at conversion bringing saved souls into the membership of the Church through baptism. The Dalit community outside the Church was the hunting ground for new baptisms. This was the role and function of the Church.

Church's limited concern

1950, a Presidential Order deprived the Christian and non-Hindu minorities of educational concessions and employment reservation extended to other Dalits. Ultimately Christians alone were singled out for this discrimination as Sikhs and Buddhists were admitted to those privileges at a later stage. From 1950 onwards the National Council of Churches in India (NCCI) and Catholic Bishops' Conference of India (CBCI) have waged a relentless battle against this discrimination and employed all peaceful and constitutional means to secure the privileges to the Christians such as presentation of Memoranda, deputations to national, state and district authorities, closure of schools, mass rallies, processions and even court arrests by Bishops and what not, all this struggle for over 50 years, has proved of no avail.

As President of the National Council of Churches in India, along with the President of Catholic Bishops' Conference of India, I was part of an ecumenical delegation that went on a deptuation to the Prime Minister of India, Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee. I addressed the Prime Minister seeking redressal of Church grievances, describing the predicament of Christian Church in India, going from pillar to post, seeking justice for Dalit Christians for over 50 years. It was clear to all of us who were in the delegation that the Government was in no mood to concede to our requests. The B.J.P. Government and Hindu extremists are fully aware that once the privileges sought for are granted to Christian Dalits, the flood gates of conversion of Dalits to Christianity are wide open. Hence, the Government will not grant the request of the Christians. The Church was wasting its time and hope in its pursuit of justice for Dalit Christians.

Christian and Dalits in a new equation

The Church's interest in the Dalits has been rather, narrow. The Church wanted the Dalits to enlarge her membership which is the traditional missiological aim. It was regarded as a 'holy' Biblical aim. The fight for Christian Dalit rights also is in the same direction. The Church did not look at Dalit issue beyond the Churches own interests and aims, that is, beyond baptism. The Dalit issue per se, its injustice, atrocity, cruelty, sub-humanness, its poverty, hunger and misery, did not interest the Church. For the Church, outside its missiological goals, the 'Dalits' was a non-issue.

The struggle of Christian Church for equal treatment with Dalits in so far as the Constitutional privileges are concerned, in a way alienated Christians from Dalits. The latter was not in favour of extension of these privileges as Christians who are already an enlightened and educated lot, will have a larger share of the cake. But something happened in Durban UN Conference on Racism. The Dalits of India who were at Durban, experienced that it was mostly the Christians that were fighting for the cause of Dalits at the UN Conference. The Evangelical and other influential Christians were not at all any more interested in the traditional reward of conversion to Christianty in supporting the cause of the Dalits. The Evangelicals were prepared to support the Dalits even as they were prepared to embrace Buddhism following the footsteps of Ambedkar. This approach giving priority to Dalit liberation from traditional social slavery presents altogether a new challenge to Christianity. It represents a sea change. In turn the Dalit leadership was prepared to join hands with the Christian leadership in the latter's struggle for restoration of privileges denied to them.. Thus a new and positive force emerged for Dalit liberation. At this Conference it is urged that this new mission goal of Dalit liberation per se, the new paradigm be recognised.

Why should the Church advocate the Dalit Cause?

Indeed it was the Church that refused to compromise with untouchability. But the social reformation initiated by the church froze at the point of untouchability. The Church at that time was more challenged to enlarge the numbers and the size of the Church and focussed on this dimension of mission. The Missionaries were happy at the expanding numbers of the Church and attending to the needs of the new church community. This objective and method of the Church thus even became the theology of the Church. The sufferings and oppression of the Dalits outside the Church became a non-issue for the Church. Today, the oppression that the Dalits is subject of deep concern of the whole society and the entire media is waging a relentless battle against this oppression. How can the Church shut its eyes at the suffering of the oppressed community? Indeed, the Church of Christ has a mandate from Christ himself.

Liberation of the Oppressed

The Ministry and Mission of Christ is a package of liberation of the oppressed - the good news to the poor. His birth in a manger is a spectacular identification with the poor - "And she gave birth to her first born son and wrapped him in bands of cloth and laid him in a manger because there was no place for him in the inn". Our commentaries and sermons have focussed on God becoming human being, but sidetracked the equally profound phenomenon of the Bethlehem event that the God was born poor, amongst the poor and is proved at his first appearance in the Synagogue, whenever he said that his Mission was to bring good news to the poor. And what is the good news to the poor?

This good news to the poor is a package "to proclaim release to the captives recovery of sight to the blind to let the oppressed to go free to proclaim the year of Lord Jesus further reveals his package of good news to the poor in what he tells John's disciples (John 7:22) "Go and Tell John what you have seen and heard. The blind receiving their sight, the lame walk, the lepers are cleansed, the dead are raised, the poor have good news brought to them. Jesus is consistent in his commitment to the poor, reveals the facets of oppression of the poor (Matthew 25: 31) again in the judgement of the last day. "for I was hungry and you gave me food I was thirsty you gave me something to drink. I was naked you gave me clothing I was sick And you took care of me I was in prison you visited. Nearly 200 millions of India are poor, hungry, thirsty, naked, sick, in prison, blind, lame, deaf, literally and figuratively. They are fettered by poverty and powerlessness. They are alien to freedom of the spirit. They are oppressed in every sense of the term.

Let the oppressed go free

When Jesus started his ministry and announced his agenda recalling the words of Prophet Isiah, the integral part of his Mission package of his agenda was "To let the oppressed to go free". The call today to the Church in India is also to adopt Christ's agenda as the agenda of the Church in India: To let the oppressed go free.

By Dr. K. Rajaratnam